Currently viewing the tag: "Mitt Romney"

Don’t make Mormon Jesus cry.

So now Mormon Jesus is Mitt Romney’s new tax return deflection shield:

“Our church doesn’t publish how much people have given,” Romney tells Parade magazine in an edition due out Sunday. “This is done entirely privately. One of the downsides of releasing one’s financial information is that this is now all public, but we had never intended our contributions to be known. It’s a very personal thing between ourselves and our commitment to our God and to our church.

In response, ABL says it best:

You know what, asshole? If you didn’t intend for your contributions to be known, you shouldn’t have run for president.

And by the way? You can’t send your wife out to talk about how super awesome and honest you are, and have her gush about how you give ten percent of your income to the LDS Church and then two weeks later claim that you want to keep the amount you donate to the church private because of Jesus.

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Ezra has a great post on the relationship between President Obama and Paul Ryan here, but he gets carried away near the end:

Putting the Ryan budget at the center of the 2012 election has the tactical benefit of forcing Republicans to defend an unpopular proposal; more important, it has the long-term strategic benefit of potentially discrediting the Ryan budget as a political document. Prior to Ryan joining the ticket, a Romney loss seemed likely to strengthen the Republican Party’s conservative wing, because the defeat would be blamed on Romney’s moderate past. Now, if the Romney-Ryan ticket loses, it will vindicate skeptics of the party’s rightward shift, potentially strengthening the party’s moderates. That could produce a more cooperative opposition for Obama to work with in a second term.

But if Obama loses, Republicans will have won the presidency with a mandate to enact a deeply conservative agenda. Left to his own devices, Romney might have been a relatively pragmatic and cautious president. Instead, the Obama administration’s three-year effort to enshrine the Ryan budget at the heart of the Republican Party would prove to have been a crucial push toward enacting that budget into law.

Nonsense. I’ve come to disagree with this whole dichotomy. In fact, I think Romney might well have shown some real political intelligence with the Ryan pick, though I think it’s still probably a net negative. Why have I changed my mind, you might ask?

Because my assumption, which I think was the same as Bill Kristol’s and all these guys’, was that a Ryan berth would automatically mean a harsh, ideological campaign. Romney would have no choice but to run as a, well, resolute entitlement-slasher. After all, Ryan has more power in the GOP than Romney, and so on. The one fact I didn’t anticipate was that Ryan has been entirely willing to adapt to Romney’s style: being intentionally vague about his intentions on Medicare and other topics and launching hypocritical attacks on Obama for cutting Medicare, for starters. This talk about a new ideological campaign has, to this point, proven to be mostly bunk. And you have to give Romney credit here for reading Ryan correctly. Ryan might well have been able to throw his weight around on the ticket, but Romney must have realized that Ryan would go with his program, just as he did with Bush’s during the Bush years, and for the same reason: to attain power. Ultimately, while throwing his weight around might make some difference, it would wear out its welcome quickly enough and, after all, Ryan is his #2. Without influence on Romney, Ryan would merely occupy an almost comically powerless role should the ticket win. He would, ultimately, be stupid to do so.

But the real credit has to be given to Romney’s read of the pro-Ryan activists too. These activists pushed for Ryan to be on the ticket because they wanted an ideological battle. They saw these two things as inseparable, as did everyone else, so all they had to do was push the first and they’d get the second. Since Romney knew Ryan and was able to read him, he realized he’d be able to get the first without having to have the second. And, for the moment anyway, it’s working. Romney’s enjoying a pretty small bounce, but more importantly I’m not hearing the Romney bitching that had become so frequent in the past couple of weeks among Republicans. Even Chuck Krauthammer is following the company line and going after Obama for cutting Medicare, in the exact same way that Ryan wants to do, and one would have to believe that attacking this with so much profile is going to make it awfully hard for them to turn around and go all vouchercare on the public. You know, in the same way that Obama’s attacks on McCain’s plan to end the employee tax deduction made it impossible to go after, and thus harder to find funds for HCR. Republicans don’t appear to realize that they got the running mate they wanted, but not the ideological battle they wanted, that their tactic was a success, but not the strategy. My guess is that, in a few weeks after the glow fades and the conventions end, the people who pushed Ryan will realize what happened and will be furious, and we’ll hear calls to “unmask Paul Ryan” and the like. One can only hope…

Which is not to say it’s a brilliant pick–Ryan’s plan is pretty darn unpopular, and I suspect the power of the message of downballot Dems running against Ryan will be strong enough to negate a bunch of ads attacking “spending” over a black and white picture of Obama. But maybe Mittens isn’t quite as dumb as we thought.

A different twist on Fun Friday from usual: I figured I’d go over some of the worst presidential candidates of all time. My guidelines are simple–I’ll try to stick away from, “Hey, this person was a horrible president, so they’re automatically going to be on the list.” Some people won despite bad campaigns, some people lost despite great ones, but ultimately political skill doesn’t match exactly with outcomes all the time. So I’ll go by party:

DEMOCRATS

  1. Alton B. Parker (1904) — Just how popular was Teddy Roosevelt during his presidency? The Democrats nominated to run against him a state Supreme Court member of no real repute, who went on to run a hopeless campaign and lost in a landslide. Parker was underqualified for the job and was not prepared to campaign for it, which might well have been William Jennings Bryan’s very intention. Bryan ran for president twice before and would run four years later. Parker was a brief intermission in between those runs and was incapable of bridging the gap between Bryan’s supporters and the more conservative elements he represented. Even a guy who didn’t let two presidential losses daunt him from making another run wanted no part of running against Teddy. Parker today is a completely obscure figure–as Wikipedia notes, he “was the only defeated presidential candidate in history never to have a biography written about him.” Which is kind of sad, really. Then again, who wants to read about a minor state jurist who lost a presidential election in a landslide?
  2. Adlai Stevenson (1952, 1956) — Stevenson probably couldn’t have beaten Eisenhower no matter what. Being the man who defeated Hitler is a pretty good qualification for office, and after twenty years of Democratic control, the time for a change was right. But Stevenson managed not only to lose two elections in epic landslides, helping to give the Democrats a reputation as snobby and over-intellectual in the process, he also managed to undo some of the forward progress on racial issues that had occurred during the Truman years. Stevenson was, according to Robert Caro, the South’s favorite candidate in 1956 because the was the least liberal, and in 1952 he actually put a segregationist on his ticket (albeit one who was moderate on other issues). This was four years after Hubert Humphrey’s moment of glory in getting civil rights included in the party’s platform, by the way. And don’t think it didn’t make a difference–again, Caro notes that Stevenson’s two civil rights-equivocal runs coincided with massive erosions of black support for Democrats, after cleaning up during the Roosevelt and Truman years. Stevenson was no doubt a smart and capable man, but he wasn’t much of a national politician, and in some ways took the Democrats backwards.
  3. Mike Dukakis (1988) — Well, we just have to include him in this list, don’t we? Dukakis might get dumped on a little too much–he seems like a nice guy and was a really good governor. He’s even embraced having sucked as a presidential candidate and has a sense of humor about it, which is really commendable. But he did suck. So much. You might think The Duke lucked out in getting the nomination after Gary Hart imploded, but that wasn’t true–he got it thanks to his cutthroat campaign manager, John Sasso, who cleared the way with his famous allegation that Joe Biden plagiarized a speech from British politician Neil Kinnock. The facts of this are now plain as day–Biden routinely used part of Kinnock’s speech and cited the source, but one time he forgot to, and Sasso played a cynical gambit to stop what was then a huge Biden surge in Iowa by sending in the tape and calling Biden a faker. He succeeded, and Biden dropped out. Then Dukakis rather hypocritically fired Sasso after the stink from the whole thing started wafting back to him. So, Dukakis won the nomination, but had lost the very evil genius who could have gone toe-to-toe with Lee Atwater in the general election. You know the rest of the story: tanks, “If your daughter were raped and murdered…” Willie Horton. And an initial 20-point lead turned into a near-landslide the other way. Incidentally, Biden went on to defeat Robert Bork’s SCOTUS nomination, pass the Violence Against Women Act, and is now Vice President. Some stories do have happy endings.
  4. Jimmy Carter (1976, 1980) — Yeah, Carter managed to win in 1976. But it wasn’t that impressive a win. Carter was running against Nixon’s chosen successor, the guy who had pardoned the great old crook (thus infuriating the left), as well as the guy who had granted amnesty to draft-dodgers (thus infuriating the right). In fact, Ford had managed to irritate the right so much that Reagan ran against Ford in the GOP primary, and but for a few Mississippi delegates, would actually have beaten an incumbent president. Which hasn’t happened in nearly two centuries. Ford came to the general election battered and bruised, his authority over the right deeply suspect (he had to pull his era’s version of the Paul Ryan pick, and bumped Nelson Rockefeller in favor of Bob Dole). He compounded this by making an infamous statement about Poland not being under Soviet domination, which turned out to be a responsible and diplomatic answer calculated not to inflame Soviet feelings. He was torn apart for it. Oh, and the economy really sucked, thanks to a Republican Fed Chair’s loose money policies leading to inflation (imagine that!). Yep, Ford really did hurt himself, meaning that those Chevy Chase skits weren’t all that inaccurate. And Ford wound up losing the general election in a landslide by two percent. That’s right. After Ford did everything possible to politically immolate himself, he lost in a squeaker. Why? Because Carter won the nomination of a party he wasn’t really ideologically in step with (he grasped the new realities of the nominating system before anyone else did_, and then proceeded to turn a 2-to-1 lead into a nailbiter thanks to various PR disasters (the Playboy interview!). By the election, people looked at the guy who had screwed up so much and wondered if another four years of Chevy Chase skits would really be that bad. Then he lost to Reagan in 1980, which was only partly due to self-inflicted wounds. Oh, for a time machine to go back to 1975 and convince Jerry Brown to get into the race just a little bit earlier.
  5. Hillary Clinton (2008) — It’s amazing to think that one sentence separated one individual and the presidency. But that was exactly the case in 2008. All Hillary Clinton had to say was, “I was wrong to support the Iraq War, I regret it, and I’ll never do it again.” With that said, she would have won without much of a challenge. But Clinton refused to say it, for fear of looking weak. She would occasionally talk about how Bush had fooled her, which is not an attractive quality in a potential president, being fooled by one of the most ignorant men with power in recent times. Clinton even doubled-down on the hawkishness, voting for the Lieberman-Graham Amendment that essentially endorsed a pre-emptive strike on Iran. But this just made her look weak in a different way–incapable of changing her mind, admitting mistakes, going a different way. After eight years of that from Bush, a lot of people had just had enough. A large number of primary voters didn’t trust her judgment or integrity, and it left an enormous opening for Barack Obama to sweep them up by arguing that he had opposed the Iraq War from the beginning. Considering that the only real differences between Clinton and Obama were on foreign policy, and that Obama then had Clinton run his foreign policy, you kind of have to wonder what the point of all that was.

Honorable Mentions: Joe Lieberman’s campaign in 2004 certainly deserves a nod. John W. Davis in 1924 was pretty awful as well, but the party was undergoing a shift at the time and it could be argued he was doing the best he could.

REPUBLICANS

  1. William Howard Taft (1912) — Elected as TR’s designated successor. Lost the next year after a series of really stupid moves, like tariff increases so drastic they actually led to the creation of the income tax, once (and again?) an anathema in US politics. He finished third, the last major party candidate to do so. In his defense, Taft was no glad-handing politician, he was a cabinet officer and a legal scholar. Roosevelt I was unwise to pick the guy, though some aspects of his record (i.e. the trusts) are underrated.
  2. Tom Dewey (1944, 1948) — The GOP’s great moderate hope during the forties, and still occasionally brought up by wingnuts as a cautionary example. Dewey would not have been an awful president IMO, and since the public wasn’t tired of FDR in 1944 he wasn’t going to win. But the campaign he chose to run, a bitterly caustic one that frequently insinuated that FDR knew about the Pearl Harbor attack ahead of time, was seriously ill-advised during a time of war and patriotism. Now in the era of eternal war, slashing partisanship during a foreign occupation is unavoidable because there’s always one going on, but back then it was shocking. Dewey lost, then picked himself up and ran again in four years (he also ran in 1940 but never got off the ground), only this time he made the complete opposite mistake. Overlearning the lessons of the earlier campaign, Dewey coasted through the campaign, confident that Truman was toast. The book 1948 sets the scene of Dewey HQ, in which Dewey avoided attacks on, or even engagement with, the president, preferring to audition endless candidates for ambassador and cabinet secretary slots instead. After getting the reputation of being nasty, Dewey did the complete opposite in 1948, trying his very best to be cool, statesmanlike, a worthy choice for people tired of Truman. They apparently rested. Dewey’s chief sin wasn’t moderation, which was also fellow moderate Dwight Eisenhower’s stock in trade. It was a lack of true political instinct. But aside from those runs, he had a pretty great career, as a legendary prosecutor and a pretty successful governor.
  3. George W. Bush (2000, 2004) — Yeah, I’m going with W. Sure, both his campaigns “worked” in that he was declared the winner of both, but he lost the first one in every way except legally, and the second one he came a lot closer to losing than he should have. Dubya had a lot of help with the media–the whole concept of having a beer with him being hilariously inappropriate since Bush is a recovering alcoholic–but not from the gloriously overrated Rove, who had Bush stumping California before the election and was completely blindsided by the DUI October Surprise. Toss in a few lousy debate performances, studied ignorance and a demeanor that was incredibly unpresidential, and you get two elections far closer than the fundamentals suggested. Gore outpolled him by half a million votes, and that guy was being advised by Bob Shrum. Bob Shrum.
  4. John McCain (2008) — A thankless role, to be sure, following Bush. But McCain did his best to scotch his own meager chances. Putting aside his own lurch to the right to get the nomination, McCain frequently criticized Obama for his inexperience, but he did so in much the same way as Clinton did in the primaries–as a coded character attack whose message was, “I’m great!” The whole “Will he be ready to pick up the phone at 3 A.M.?” question isn’t an experience qualification, but a character one. Spending another ten years in Congress won’t change whether you panic or not in that moment. So it’s essentially, “I’m tough and awesome, and he’s a wimp!” that they’re saying. That was Clinton’s attack, but McCain did stuff like that all the time, and then there was the “celebrity” ad that mocked Obama for being well-known for being a politician who had few substantive accomplishments, a concept completely alien to John “Meet The Press Every Sunday” McCain. Then McCain torched his campaign theme of experience by picking someone dangerously ill-experienced for his running mate. So, yeah, McCain was probably going to lose no matter what, but he didn’t exactly play the hand he was given.
  5. Mitt Romney (2012) — You had to know he was going to be in there, right? Romney’s particular crime is holding to Rovian strategic orthodoxy long after everyone should know it’s junk. The fundamentals of the situation would call for a certain kind of campaign for Romney–the economy’s weak, which means swing voters are inclined to go against the incumbent, but it’s not depression weak, and the public still largely blames the last guy. There’s an opening there for sure, but one that requires deft maneuvering. The smartest move would have been for Romney to do what he needed to do to win the nomination and then pivot on issues that are less important to the base right now. I mean, he can’t embrace Obamacare, but come on, he could easily have supported an end to the Afghan War, which hardly any of the faithful seem to think much about these days, and he could have tossed out a few moderate stands like favoring the DREAM Act without all that much blowback. The thing is, his party has moved so far to the right that even the most modest moderation would really make him stand out and appeal more to the center. But Romney reads from Rove’s Bible, which says that moderate votes are never there, that the only way to win is by jazzing up conservatives and running a harsh, negative campaign against your opponent. The end result: a race that Romney has yet to lead in any meaningful sense, rapidly eroding favorability ratings, and a Paul Ryan-sized bandaid/albatross.

Honorable Mention: Meh. Bob Dole wasn’t all that great in 1996, but the simple fact is that Republicans didn’t pick a whole lot of horrible nominees over their history, at least until the past decade or so. This is easily explicable–in the ’70s and ’80s, liberals shut themselves off from an uncomfortable reality, and the result was a lot of uninspiring candidates whose only skill was keeping a disparate party together. Now, this easily describes Republicans. Why would smart, dynamic people want the bother of leading a crew like that into battle?

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There’s been a bunch of hubbub lately about a ton of duplicitous GOP “strategists” saying one thing on camera about Paul Ryan as Mitt’s VP pick , and then doing lots of whining and pants-wetting about it behind the scenes to “journalists.”

Many people have different takes on the phenomenon but I think one of the key principles at work here is the fact that Republicans only seem to do well at the polls when voters have no idea what they really intend to do when they get elected.

Take this collection of thoughts from Politico:

[S]kepticism about Ryan among GOP strategists is striking. …

They think the Ryan pick is a disaster for the GOP. Many of these people don’t care that much about Romney — they always felt he faced an improbable path to victory — but are worried that Ryan’s vocal views about overhauling Medicare will be a millstone for other GOP candidates in critical House and Senate races.

They’re worried about inviting Medicare — usually death for Republicans — into the campaign. They’re worried it sidetracks the jobs issue. They’re worried he’ll expose the fact that Romney doesn’t have a budget plan. Most of all, they’re worried that Romney was on track to lose anyway — and now that feels all but certain. …

Another strategist emailed midway through Romney and Ryan’s first joint event Saturday: “The good news is that this ticket now has a vision. The bad news is that vision is basically just a chart of numbers used to justify policies that are extremely unpopular.”

Over the years, Republicans have gotten really good at publicly pushing vague bromides, terrifying boogeymen and attractive-sounding snake oil tonics.  Freedom, evil socialism, turning America into Europe and scary brown people over the border who want to take our jobs, among others, are all excellent pablum for a country of people who don’t take their civic responsibilities seriously and only occasionally tune in to hear about current events for a fraction of a second (i.e., “low information voters”).

With that in mind, we now turn to the Paul Ryan plan to force granny to eat cat food in a decade or two.

So long as the Ryan Plan circulates mainly in Washington, and it’s masturbated over continuously by the ever-overstimulated “both-sides-do-it” punditocracy, the narratives that filter down to the little people who don’t care enough to pay attention are, “Republicans are offering up their own competing plan to tackle our huge budget deficits!”, “Paul Ryan is considered to be the intellectual leader of the House GOP, with serious proposals to address serious problems!” and other such typical bullshit.

However, when we stick the Ryan Plan into the 350,000-horsepower grist mill of a Presidential race, low-information voters might actually start to hear about all of the horrible details about all of the horrible things that Republicans are planning to do when the country’s back is turned!! {faint}  This is especially bad when poll after poll shows that most of America vomits when they learn about what the Ryan Plan actually contains.  Even more so when tons of people can’t even bring themselves to believe that someone would actually propose something that horrible.

Like they say, sunlight is the best disinfectant.  It’s too bad that Democrats are usually so inept at pulling back the curtain and letting the sunlight in.  So far, however, I think Obama has a good chance of doing a pretty good job of it this fall.

via

Chait:

The discomfort of Romney’s position was already on bright display yesterday. Following the advice of Ryan’s conservative fanboys, Romney took the fight on Medicare to Obama by denouncing the Medicare cuts in the Affordable Care Act, which he described as “robbing Medicare.” Now, there are a couple problems with this line of attack. The first is that the cuts were designed not to impact patient care — it reduced excessive payments to the Bush-created Medicare Advantage program which provides equivalent services at higher cost, and it likewise reduced compensation to hospitals that treat uninsured patients in their emergency room, on the presumption that there will be fewer uninsured people.

The second, larger problem is that Ryan’s budget, in order to make the numbers add up (or pretend to add up) keeps Obama’s Medicare cuts in place. [...]

So how exactly does Romney propose to “save Medicare” by spending more money on it? I suspect his answer to this problem will be to stop having press conferences for a while and hope he doesn’t get asked about Medicare.

Bold! Game-changing! This is…well, Romney’s usual shtick, trying to play both sides of the debate, only this time it’s rendered much less credible since he’s added Mr. Tough Choices to his ticket. Does Mitt Romney really think he can duck questions about such obvious Medicare contradictions for the rest of the campaign? It doesn’t appear that Democrats are going to let up, because this is straight self-interest for them. And if this is the plan, why did Romney pick Ryan in the first place? Putting Ryan on the ticket complicates any effort to distance from his ideas. What’s the point of this again?

To me, this is the real mistake of the Ryan pick. Running openly on Ryan’s plan wouldn’t be good politically, but it would be a plan, and the media basically likes it and Ryan. To pick Ryan and then run away from the plan is only going to make conservatives angry and give the Obama Campaign the means to reinforce the shifty Romney narrative. It really couldn’t be much worse. Why pick the Ryan Plan’s #1 salesman if Ryan himself isn’t going to be able to defend it, because it isn’t Campaign Policy? I mean, if this were a “die with dignity” sort of move, that would be one thing, but Romney gives no appearance of that, as he’s still out there repeating zombie welfare lies. Good thing for Romney that money and bluster alone are all that’s needed to move the GOP, otherwise this guy would have topped out at State Treasurer of Massachusetts.

I’ve spent a bit of time this weekend reading about the Paul Ryan pick. At this point, I feel as though I have a feel for the basic arguments for and against it, politically. (The substantive arguments are going to hinge on whether you like his plan.) What’s interesting about this is how it’s playing out like oh so many political debates of recent history: on one side are all manner of abstract, theoretical, inside and meta-arguments, and on the other side are facts, reasonable interpretations, tautological arguments, you know, concrete stuff. Even without going into the specifics, if you’re confronted by this kind of split, choose the latter side. That’s what I did when the Iraq War came up, which had a pretty similar split.

With Ryan, the arguments that are supposed to politically favor his pick are basically as follows. Since Romney had to back Ryan’s plan, he might as well let the best spokesperson for the plan do his thing. Romney will now not have to worry about a conservative revolt. Ryan has a significant following in the media, which will help with framing, working the refs, etc. These are arguments, but they’re not concrete. Admittedly, Romney hasn’t been all that effective a communicator, but when it comes to policy he believes in, he’s usually not too bad in making a case. His defense of his own statewide healthcare plan last year got a pretty enthusiastic hearing from a lot of liberals–can’t find the link because there’s been just a bit of Romney healthcare stuff in the past year, but I do remember Jonathan Cohn saying that he thought Romney’s defense of the mandate was stronger than Obama’s. Likewise, the odds of a conservative revolt to a Portman or Pawlenty pick (isn’t it weird how almost all the VP contenders had last names starting with P or R?) were incredibly remote. If anything, picking someone like Huckabee (who wasn’t in the running) and telling elite conservatives who didn’t like it to shove it would undoubtedly have worked to his advantage with the public, giving him a desperately needed example of independence from the base. And while Ryan might be able to push media coverage, he’s at the bottom of the ticket.

On the other hand, the arguments against Ryan are strong. By formally associating himself with Ryan, Romney now has no real way of politically disassociating himself with Ryan’s Plan. Which means troubles with seniors, moderates, and frustrated independents. Attempts to weasel out of it will be seen as John Kerry-esque flip-flopping. Ryan will bring over few votes–I think the notion that he’ll help in Wisconsin more than marginally is a pipe dream–and while his selection will indeed change the race, it changes it to the Democrats’ favor. With a pick like this it’s all about the rollout, the first impression, and that didn’t go so well. The words “worst since Quayle” speak volumes about the wisdom of this pick. Ryan admittedly isn’t a pick for the general electorate, but for the primary electorate, which is part of why it is so unwise to pick him.

Contrast this with Obama’s pick of Joe Biden. Biden, I’d argue, was a very solid pick. He held some level of appeal to the very working-class white voters who were skeptical of Obama. His “gaffes”–typically either inelegantly stated correct things, or impolitic but honest statements–are deprecated by the debating society types in Washington, but with most voters they establish a humanness and authenticity that few politicians genuinely possess. They set off Obama’s smoothness perfectly. And Biden’s resume was a good contrast with Obama’s–lots of experience, knowledge of foreign policy issues, and a well-known and reassuring presence on the national stage. (Also, he had none of the negatives bad VP picks have: an independent power base from which to manipulate policy, psychological leverage over the president, no incentives to be loyal.) Putting aside all the other stuff, Ryan is a substandard pick for all these reasons. He has more power really than Romney, which will be a severe constraint on a prospective Romney Administration. He is temperamentally and ideologically highly similar to Romney, both of which are minuses with the electorate. Ryan doesn’t address Romney’s weakness with any part of the general electorate and doesn’t add any particular policy chops to the ticket (I’m assuming Mitt already knows government finance basics from his gubernatorial days). Both men are deeply dishonest, highly ambitious, ignorant of foreign affairs and harshly partisan, though Ryan is less often regarded as these. Ryan’s strengths are essentially Romney’s, and his weaknesses are essentially Romney’s too. He is, basically, a slightly better version of Mitt Romney, who the public has expressed little affection for. I would expect Ryan, therefore, to fare only slightly better with the electorate than Romney.

So Romney picked Paul Ryan as his VP. I can tell you that this absolutely baffles me. Yes, Ryan is young and comely. Yes, the ticket will now look like a dashing Brooks Brothers catalog. But did Romney really need to burnish his conservative bona fides even more in order to win the hearts of independent voters everywhere? Will Ryan’s plan to have most of America’s seniors eating cat food before 2025 shore up Romney’s chances in Florida? I just don’t get it.